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April 14, 2014 4

Overland Park Shooting Suspect Has Long White Supremacist History

Update — April 15: (ADL Report) Fra­zier Glenn Miller’s Vio­lent Come­back: Attack Fol­lows Years of Attempts to Reestab­lish Suprema­cist Credentials

Police in Over­land Park, Kansas, arrested a sus­pect on April 13 in the shoot­ing deaths of three indi­vid­u­als at a Jew­ish com­mu­nity cen­ter and a Jew­ish assisted liv­ing facil­ity ear­lier that day. The sus­pect, iden­ti­fied by police as Fra­zier Cross, was con­firmed by the Anti-Defamation League to be Fra­zier Glenn Miller (or sim­ply Glenn Miller), a white suprema­cist from south­west Mis­souri with a career in hatred and white supremacy that has spanned more than three decades.frazier-glenn-miller-kansas-jewish-shooting

In the early 1980s, Glenn Miller was one of the more noto­ri­ous white suprema­cists in the United States, but he even­tu­ally ran afoul of both the fed­eral gov­ern­ment and mem­bers of his own move­ment and has spent most of the last decade at the periph­ery of the white suprema­cist movement—no less rad­i­cal but far less able to influ­ence others.

Miller, orig­i­nally from North Car­olina, began his career as a neo-Nazi in the mid-1970s, but soon switched to the Ku Klux Klan. He was present at an infa­mous shoot­ing of left-wing activists by white suprema­cists in Greens­boro in 1979 that left five dead, but was never charged with a crime.

By 1980, Miller had formed his own Klan group, the Car­olina Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (later changed to the White Patriot Party), a large regional Klan group that drew noto­ri­ety for its para­mil­i­tary train­ing exer­cises. Mem­bers of the group com­mit­ted sev­eral hate crimes against African-Americans dur­ing the decade, while its second-in-command was con­victed of a plot to pur­chase stolen weapons, osten­si­bly to tar­get a civil rights orga­ni­za­tion. Dur­ing this period, Miller was one of the more noto­ri­ous white suprema­cists in the United States.

The activ­i­ties of Miller and his group even­tu­ally led to a fed­eral court order pro­hibit­ing its para­mil­i­tary train­ing. Rather than obey the order, Miller went under­ground with sev­eral fol­low­ers in 1987 after issu­ing a “Dec­la­ra­tion of War” that called for the “blood of our ene­mies [to] flood the streets.” Fed­eral agents soon arrested Miller hid­ing out in the Ozarks in Mis­souri on charges related to his “Dec­la­ra­tion” and explo­sives violations.

Miller even­tu­ally pleaded guilty to pos­ses­sion of a hand grenade and received a five-year sen­tence. He also agreed to tes­tify against other promi­nent white suprema­cists in a sedi­tion trial in Arkansas in 1988—this lat­ter deci­sion for­ever earned him the enmity of the major­ity of the white suprema­cist move­ment, which now con­sid­ered him a trai­tor to the movement.

After get­ting out of prison in 1990, Miller moved to Iowa (later to Mis­souri) and became a truck dri­ver. Largely ostra­cized by white suprema­cists, he laid low until the end of the decade, when he self-published his auto­bi­og­ra­phy (A White Man Speaks Out). This marked a return to activism; by the early 2000s, Miller began pur­chas­ing adver­tis­ing space in local news­pa­pers in Mis­souri for racist and anti-Semitic screeds, fol­lowed by his own attempts to pub­lish a “white-friendly” news­pa­per called The European-American.

In 2004, Miller allied with fel­low Mis­souri white suprema­cist Alex Lin­der to pro­duce a more grandiose white suprema­cist news­pa­per that they dubbed The Aryan Alter­na­tive. Only a cou­ple of issues were ever pub­lished, but they were printed in large num­bers, which were dis­trib­uted by var­i­ous white suprema­cists for some years. Miller also tried run­ning for office, quite unsuc­cess­fully, receiv­ing only two votes in his 2010 attempt at a U.S. Sen­ate seat in Missouri.

Through­out the 2000s, Miller actively pro­moted his racist and anti-Semitic views on-line, but remained ham­pered by the hos­til­ity with which most of the white suprema­cist move­ment con­tin­ued to view him. In the years prior to the Over­land Park attacks, Miller was a peren­nial but periph­eral fig­ure within the world of white supremacy.

Related Mate­ri­als:

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October 28, 2013 1

Matthew Shepard And James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act Four Years Later: Demonstrating Its Value

This week marks the fourth anniver­sary of the sign­ing of the Matthew Shep­ard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Pre­ven­tion Act (HCPA).  The HCPA is the most impor­tant, com­pre­hen­sive, and inclu­sive hate crime enforce­ment law enacted in the past 40 years. In addi­tion, pas­sage of the act has sparked a wel­come round of police train­ing and out­reach – and the devel­op­ment of a num­ber of sig­nif­i­cant new hate crime train­ing and pre­ven­tion resources. hate-crimes-prevention-act-HCPA

It is appro­pri­ate to pause to reflect on the extra­or­di­nar­ily broad coali­tion ADL was priv­i­leged to lead in sup­port the HCPA – includ­ing over 250 civil rights, edu­ca­tion, reli­gious, civic, and pro­fes­sional orga­ni­za­tions and, cru­cially, vir­tu­ally every major law enforce­ment orga­ni­za­tion in the coun­try. Orig­i­nally drafted in 1996, progress on the bill was stalled, Con­gress after Con­gress, because of per­sis­tent, adamant – and erro­neous – con­cerns about the impact of the bill’s cov­er­age of hate crimes directed at indi­vid­u­als because of their sex­ual ori­en­ta­tion. In the end, even after 13 long years of advo­cacy, with the strong sup­port of Pres­i­dent Obama and Attor­ney Gen­eral Holder, the mea­sure still had to be attached to “must-pass” leg­is­la­tion – the Depart­ment of Defense FY 2010 Autho­riza­tion bill – in order to be enacted into law.

But now, four years later, advo­cates can­not doubt that the titanic efforts to enact the HCPA by Sen­ate and House cham­pi­ons and the hate crime coali­tion were worth­while. Here are high­lights of some of the impor­tant advances since the enact­ment of the HCPA, Pub­lic Law 111–84.

­Train­ing

  • Lawyers from the Depart­ment of Jus­tice (DoJ) Civil Rights Divi­sion, FBI agents, and pro­fes­sion­als from DoJ’s Com­mu­nity Rela­tions Ser­vice have trained thou­sands of state and local law enforce­ment offi­cials from more than a dozen states on the HCPA’s new tools and federal-state part­ner­ship opportunities.  

Enforce­ment

  • DoJ has inves­ti­gated dozens of cases and has brought indict­ments in about 20 cases, includ­ing sev­eral cases in states that lack their own hate crime laws.    
  • Under the expanded author­ity of the HCPA, Jus­tice Depart­ment lawyers have pro­vided foren­sic and other inves­tiga­tive assis­tance to state and local law enforce­ment offi­cials pros­e­cut­ing cases under their state laws. 
  • In coor­di­na­tion with sev­eral lead US Attor­neys, DoJ has vig­or­ously defended the HCPA in both facial and as applied con­sti­tu­tional challenges. 

Hate Crime Data Collection

Resources

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July 31, 2013 0

Remembering the Hate Crime Victims at Oak Creek – And Acting

Update — August 5, 2013: ADL has joined a coali­tion of groups urg­ing the White House to also take steps to address religious-based vio­lence and discrimination.

On August 5, 2012, six Sikh wor­ship­pers were killed, and four oth­ers wounded, by a white suprema­cist skin­head at their Gur­d­wara in Oak Creek, Wis­con­sin.  The shooter then turned his gun on him­self.  Less than a week after the tragedy, US Attor­ney Gen­eral Eric Holder. Jr.  par­tic­i­pated in a memo­r­ial ser­vice for the vic­tims, stat­ing that the crime was “an act of ter­ror­ism, an act of hatred, a hate crime.”  sikh-temple-shooting-oak-creek-anniversary

Now, one year later, we observe the anniver­sary of this tragedy, hon­or­ing the mem­ory of the vic­tims by ele­vat­ing the fight against dis­crim­i­na­tion and hate crimes – and by work­ing to ensure that all places of wor­ship will be safe.

In the after­math of the Sep­tem­ber 11, 2001 ter­ror­ist attacks, our nation has expe­ri­enced a dis­turb­ing num­ber of back­lash attacks against Mus­lim, Sikhs, Arabs, and South Asians.  In fact, the first bias-motivated mur­der after 9/11 was Bal­bir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh gas sta­tion owner in Mesa, Arizona. 

After the Oak Creek Gur­d­wara mur­ders, ADL Chicago/Upper Mid­west Regional Office Direc­tor Lon­nie Nasatir par­tic­i­pated in a pro­gram in Oak Creek with the US Attor­ney and FBI offi­cials to show sup­port for the com­mu­nity and ADL pro­fes­sion­als across the coun­try reached out to Sikh orga­ni­za­tions to pro­vide resources on how to keep their com­mu­nity insti­tu­tions safe.

ADL has been the national leader in pro­mot­ing improved hate crime data col­lec­tion by law enforce­ment author­i­ties.  Since 2008, the League has sup­ported requir­ing the FBI to col­lect and report spe­cific data on hate crimes directed against Sikhs, Arabs, and Hindus.  

The mur­ders at Oak Creek pro­vided addi­tional impe­tus to make this change.  And the issue was exam­ined and pro­moted in Sep­tem­ber 19 Sen­ate Judi­ciary Sub­com­mit­tee on the Con­sti­tu­tion, Civil Rights and Human Rights hear­ings on “Hate Crime and the Threat of Domes­tic Extrem­ism,” to which the League sub­mit­ted com­pre­hen­sive tes­ti­mony. 

Work­ing with Con­gres­sional cham­pi­ons, like Rep. Joseph Crow­ley, the League helped to coor­di­nate a coali­tion effort to urge the FBI to include these new hate crime data cat­e­gories as part of the Bureau’s annual hate crime report pre­pared under the 1990 Hate Crime Sta­tis­tics Act.   In May, an FBI Advi­sory Pol­icy Board rec­om­mended that the Bureau take this action.  

As we com­mem­o­rate the first anniver­sary of the tragedy at Oak Creek, we can take some solace in know­ing that our com­mu­ni­ties have done some­thing pos­i­tive to address that hor­rific inci­dent.  Col­lect­ing spe­cific data on hate crimes directed against indi­vid­u­als will increase pub­lic aware­ness, encour­age vic­tims to report these crimes, and expand exist­ing engage­ment and rela­tion­ships between law enforce­ment author­i­ties and these com­mu­ni­ties. ADL has joined a coali­tion of groups urg­ing the White House to also take steps to address religious-based vio­lence and discrimination. 

Our atten­tion now turns to work­ing with the FBI and local law enforce­ment offi­cials to pro­vide train­ing and edu­ca­tion on these crimes.

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