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April 25, 2016 1

White Supremacist Events Coincide With Hitler’s Birth Week

Mark­ing the anniver­sary week of Adolf Hitler’s April 20th birth­day, sev­eral neo-Nazi and Klan groups held col­lab­o­ra­tive events over the week­end of April 23. Four such events were held within approx­i­mately 150 miles of one another in north Alabama and cen­tral Georgia.  adl-blog

  • The United Klans of Amer­ica (UKA) hosted a pri­vate event in Alabama which included a cross burn­ing and sev­eral Klan wed­dings.  The event was open to all mem­bers of the Black and Sil­ver alliance which con­sists of the UKA, the Sadis­tic Souls (an Illinois-based fac­tion of the neo-Nazi Aryan Nations), James Logsdon’s small fac­tion of the Cre­ativ­ity Move­ment, and Mis­souri and Ten­nessee mem­bers of the Right-Wing Resis­tance (a neo-Nazi group that orig­i­nated in New Zealand.)
  • The neo-Nazi National Social­ist Move­ment (NSM) hosted a rally at the Law Enforce­ment Cen­ter in Rome, Geor­gia. Approx­i­mately 100 peo­ple from var­i­ous white suprema­cist groups attended the event, includ­ing the North Carolina-based Loyal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and the Texas Rebel Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.  Other atten­dees included Arthur Jones (a long-time Illi­nois neo-Nazis and Holo­caust denier), Ted Dunn (leader of the SS Action group), and Eric Mead­ows, who has been linked to the neo-Confederate League of the South. The hate­ful rhetoric of rally speak­ers, who inter­mit­tently shouted “white power” and “Sieg Heil,” was largely drowned out by counter pro­test­ers. Two counter pro­test­ers were arrested for dis­or­derly conduct.
  • Approx­i­mately two dozen peo­ple par­tic­i­pated in a white power event at Georgia’s Stone Moun­tain Park. The poorly attended event, orga­nized by white suprema­cist John Michael Estes and Klans­man Greg Cal­houn, was intended to protest leg­is­la­tion that would allow changes to exist­ing Con­fed­er­ate dis­plays and mon­u­ments, as well as a plan by the Stone Moun­tain Memo­r­ial Asso­ci­a­tion to install a mon­u­ment in Mar­tin Luther King’s honor.  The small group held con­fed­er­ate flags and a ban­ner that read “Diver­sity = White Geno­cide.” Sev­eral counter-protesters threw rocks and fire­works at police, and set a bar­ri­cade on fire. At least eight counter-protesters were adewayne-stewartrrested and charged with vio­lat­ing Georgia’s mask law, and one was arrested for allegedly throw­ing smoke bombs at police.
  • On the evening of April 23, ral­liers from both the Rome and Stone Moun­tain events attended a pri­vate after-party near Tem­ple, Geor­gia. The event included white power music and the burn­ing of both a cross and a swastika.

These col­lab­o­ra­tive events demon­strate the will­ing­ness of some Klan groups to prac­tice a Naz­i­fied ver­sion of Klan ide­ol­ogy and to form sym­bi­otic rela­tion­ships with neo-Nazi groups.  With both the neo-Nazi move­ment and Klan move­ment in decline joint events can help mask the small num­bers that indi­vid­ual white suprema­cist groups are able to generate.

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August 26, 2015 1

Judge Thwarts Anti-Semitic Killer’s Attempt At Show Trial

As open­ing state­ments and tes­ti­mony began this week in Olathe, Kansas, in the mur­der trial of white suprema­cist Fra­zier Glenn Miller (also known as Fra­zier Glenn Cross), the defense strat­egy of the for­mer Klansman—who is rep­re­sent­ing himself—became clear.

Frazier Glenn Miller mugshot

Fra­zier Glenn Miller mugshot

Miller, who has admit­ted com­mit­ting a shoot­ing spree at two Jew­ish insti­tu­tions in Over­land Park, Kansas, in April 2014 that killed three peo­ple, includ­ing one child, indi­cated his inten­tions with his open­ing state­ments on August 24. Miller asserted to the jury that the mur­ders were jus­ti­fied, describ­ing his actions that day as “well-intentioned” and claim­ing that he had “good, moral rea­sons” for the slayings.

These state­ments echoed ear­lier remarks by Miller before the trial that he would attempt a “neces­sity” defense, claim­ing that the shoot­ings were needed to halt the “Jew­ish geno­cide of the white race.” Though Miller had admit­ted that his inten­tions were to shoot Jews, none of the vic­tims he killed at the Jew­ish insti­tu­tions turned out to be Jewish.

Miller told the jury that white peo­ple “have a right to sur­vive” and the right to pre­serve our heritage…and a safe future for white chil­dren.” This was a ref­er­ence to the “14 Words,” a pop­u­lar white suprema­cist slo­gan: “We must secure the exis­tence of our peo­ple and a future for white chil­dren.” It refers to the wide­spread white suprema­cist belief that the white race is threat­ened with extinc­tion because of a ris­ing tide of non-white peo­ples who are con­trolled and manip­u­lated by Jews.

How­ever, Miller did not get far in his effort at an anti-Semitic show trial before Judge Kelly Ryan stopped him. Judge Ryan had ear­lier ruled that Miller could not intro­duce his anti-Semitic con­spir­acy the­o­ries into the guilt phase of the trial, which was to deter­mine whether a crime had been com­mit­ted, not why. The judge said that Miller could make such argu­ments dur­ing the penalty phase of the trial, if he were convicted.

As wit­nesses began to tes­tify, Miller found other ways to intro­duce his anti-Semitic views, such as bring­ing cer­tain books to court with him. At one point he had a copy of his own, self-printed auto­bi­og­ra­phy, A White Man Speaks Out, dis­played on the defense table. Another time dur­ing the trial he held up a book for peo­ple to see: They Dare to Speak Out: Peo­ple and Insti­tu­tions Con­front Israel’s Lobby, an anti-Israel book writ­ten by Paul Find­ley, a long-time anti-Israel activist, in 1985.

Miller was a promi­nent white suprema­cist in the 1970s and 1980s, at one point head­ing a large Ku Klux Klan group, but the white suprema­cist move­ment ostra­cized him for pro­vid­ing tes­ti­mony in a crim­i­nal case against other white suprema­cists. Miller has spent most of the past 15 years try­ing to get back in the graces of the move­ment, with lit­tle suc­cess. His shoot­ing spree was appar­ently a final attempt.

Miller’s Over­land Park attack was only one of a num­ber of deadly shoot­ing sprees by white suprema­cists in recent years. These and other mur­ders have made white suprema­cists the most deadly extrem­ist move­ment in the coun­try, as detailed in ADL’s recent report, With Hate in their Hearts: The State of White Supremacy in the United States.

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June 18, 2014 0

Honoring The Memory Of Murdered Civil Rights Workers

June 21 marks the 50th anniver­sary of the mur­ders of three young civil rights work­ers who trav­elled to Mis­sis­sippi for “Free­dom Sum­mer,” to help African Amer­i­can res­i­dents under­stand their con­sti­tu­tional rights and reg­is­ter to vote.  Fac­ing deep insti­tu­tional racism, fewer than five per­cent of the 500,000 black adults in Mis­sis­sippi were then reg­is­tered to vote.  Michael “Mickey” Schw­erner, 24, James Chaney, 21, and Andrew Good­man, 20, knew they were risk­ing their lives for their cause. murdered-civil-rights-workers

On June 21, 1964, after they had inves­ti­gated the burn­ing of a black church, the three young men were reported miss­ing.    Forty-four days later, their bod­ies were found buried deep in a dam in Philadel­phia, Mis­sis­sippi.  The nation later learned that on their way back, the men’s car had been stopped for a pre­text traf­fic vio­la­tion and the three had been arrested and held for sev­eral hours.  On their release, they were fol­lowed and mur­dered by mem­bers of the Neshoba Coun­try Sheriff’s Depart­ment, Philadel­phia Police, and mem­bers of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK).

When Mis­sis­sippi pros­e­cu­tors refused to press mur­der charges, fed­eral author­i­ties, led by Assis­tant Attor­ney Gen­eral for Civil Rights John Doar, brought fed­eral crim­i­nal civil rights charges – with mixed results:  seven of the 18 defen­dants were con­victed, with sen­tences between three and ten years.  At the sen­tenc­ing in Decem­ber 1967, fed­eral judge William Harold Cox crudely explained, “They killed one nig­ger, one Jew, and a white man. I gave them all what I thought they deserved.”  In 1999, a new gen­er­a­tion of Mis­sis­sippi law enforce­ment offi­cials reopened pro­ceed­ings, and in 2005 the State of Mis­sis­sippi indicted the Klan leader who had led the group.  ADL wel­comed his conviction.

The mur­ders in Mis­sis­sippi in 1964 out­raged the nation, pro­vid­ing addi­tional momen­tum to pro­pel pas­sage of the com­pre­hen­sive Civil Rights Act later that sum­mer – and the Vot­ing Rights Act (VRA), one of the most impor­tant, effec­tive civil rights laws – the fol­low­ing year.

We have come a long way as a nation since 1964, but vig­i­lance is nec­es­sary to retain that hard-earned progress.  In 2013, unfor­tu­nately, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a crit­i­cal VRA pro­vi­sion in Shelby County v. Holder.  The League had urged the Court to uphold the Act in an ami­cus brief.  Instead, a nar­row Court major­ity elim­i­nated the for­mula to deter­mine which states must seek prior gov­ern­ment approval for vot­ing changes. The very day the deci­sion was handed down, a num­ber of states began enact­ing previously-blocked voter ID laws and redis­trict­ing mea­sures.

Now, fifty years later, the League is help­ing to lead a very large coali­tion work­ing to fight dis­crim­i­na­tion, pro­mote equal­ity, and pro­tect the same vot­ing rights for which Schw­er­mer, Good­man, and Chaney gave their lives. ADL is urg­ing broad sup­port  for the Vot­ing Rights Amend­ment Act of 2014 (VRAA) which would cre­ate a new for­mula for pre-clearing vot­ing rights changes.

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