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April 13, 2016 3

Firearms Increasingly Weapon of Choice in Extremist-Related Killings

extremistkillingswithfirearms1970-2015In the pop­u­lar imag­i­na­tion, the bomb is the weapon typ­i­cally asso­ci­ated with ter­ror­ists or extremists—but in the U.S. extrem­ists seem to be killing more peo­ple with firearms than with any other weapon, and that use may be increasing.

It is cer­tainly true that many of the high-profile ter­ror­ist attacks in the United States over the past cen­tury have been bomb­ings, includ­ing the 1919 anar­chist bomb­ing cam­paign, the 1963 16th Street Bap­tist Church bomb­ing, the 1995 bomb­ing of the Mur­rah Fed­eral Build­ing in Okla­homa City, and the 2013 Boston Marathon bomb­ing, among many oth­ers. Extrem­ist ser­ial bombers such as the Weather Under­ground, “Unabomber” Ted Kaczyn­ski, and Eric Rudolph have all got­ten their share of headlines.

How­ever, extrem­ists use a wide vari­ety of deadly imple­ments to com­mit their crimes, terrorist-related or oth­er­wise, from fists and boots to air­planes. The most com­mon tool of vio­lence seems to be the sim­ple firearm, a weapon that extrem­ists can use when com­mit­ting ter­ror­ist acts, hate crimes, assas­si­na­tions, armed rob­beries, and all man­ner of tra­di­tional crime. In the United States, firearms are easy to obtain and easy to use. Amer­i­can extrem­ists of all pos­si­ble types, from the far left to the far right, as well as reli­gious extrem­ists, have used firearms to com­mit deadly acts.

How com­mon is such firearms use in the United States? The Anti-Defamation League’s Cen­ter on Extrem­ism exam­ined 890 mur­ders com­mit­ted by domes­tic extrem­ists in the United States from 1970 through 2015—both ide­o­log­i­cal and non-ideological killings by extrem­ist perpetrators—and dis­cov­ered that around 55% of these killings involved use of a firearm; all other weapons com­bined made up the other 45%.

This fig­ure sig­ni­fies both the pop­u­lar­ity of firearms among extrem­ist move­ments in the United States, espe­cially right-wing extrem­ists, as well as the fact that attacks with other types of weapons may be less likely to end in death. Attacks using knives or fists, for exam­ple, may pos­si­bly result in non-fatal injuries more often than firearms. On the other end of the scale, bomb­ings are more dif­fi­cult to carry out—with many extrem­ist bomb­ing plots detected and pre­vented by law enforce­ment from ever being executed.

When one breaks down the num­bers by decade, it appears that, after a dip in the 1980s and 1990s, firearms are becom­ing more pop­u­lar than ever as the deadly weapons of choice for Amer­i­can extrem­ists. Not only have the num­bers of domestic-extremist related killings in the U.S. increased over the past 20 years, but so too has the fre­quency of firearms as the weapons in such killings.

In the 1970s, extremists—primarily com­ing from the far left—used firearms in 61% of domes­tic extremist-related killings in the United States. Many of these inci­dents involved mem­bers of left-wing extrem­ist groups such as the Black Pan­thers and the Black Lib­er­a­tion Army attack­ing police officers.

The per­cent­age of firearms use in extremist-related killings dipped in the 1980s, to only 46%, then dropped dras­ti­cally in the 1990s, down to 20%. This lat­ter fig­ure is greatly dis­torted by the Okla­homa City bomb­ing, which itself resulted in 168 deaths, but even if the bomb­ing were left out of the cal­cu­la­tions, the new num­ber would only be 42%. There are sev­eral rea­sons that seem to account for these lower fig­ures, includ­ing the rise of white suprema­cist prison gangs com­mit­ting mur­ders behind bars and the growth of the racist skin­head sub­cul­ture in the United States, whose adher­ents often eschewed firearms for beat­ing and stab­bing attacks.

How­ever, in the 2000s, firearms once more were the deadly weapons in the major­ity of killings, with 62% of the killings between 2001 and 2010 involv­ing one or more firearms. So far in the cur­rent decade, the per­cent­ages are even higher, with 72% of the domestic-extremist related deaths from 2011 through 2015 involv­ing firearms.

What accounts for this increase? Sev­eral fac­tors seem to have played a role. One is the increased use of firearms by sev­eral extrem­ist move­ments. Racist skin­heads seem to use firearms with greater fre­quency in the 2000s than they did in ear­lier decades, while the growth of white suprema­cist prison gang activ­ity on the streets—as opposed to behind bars—has allowed their mem­bers much greater access to and use of firearms.

Even more con­cern­ing is the appar­ent grav­i­ta­tion of domes­tic Islamic extrem­ists towards firearms as a weapon of choice. In the early years of this move­ment, fol­low­ing the 2003 U.S. inva­sion of Iraq, much of the energy of those extrem­ists with vio­lent impulses were directed at elab­o­rate plots involv­ing bombs or even mil­i­tary weapons—plots typ­i­cally stopped by law enforce­ment before they could ever be car­ried out.

Since 2009, how­ever, there have been a num­ber of high-profile inci­dents in which Islamic extrem­ists have used firearms to con­duct shoot­ings (and one instance, the Boston Marathon bomb­ing, where the per­pe­tra­tors used both bombs and firearms), includ­ing shoot­ings at Ft. Hood, Texas; Lit­tle Rock, Arkansas; Chat­tanooga, Ten­nessee; and San Bernardino, California.

The rise of ISIS in the past sev­eral years may have con­tributed to the increase in attempted small arms attacks; Al Qaeda gen­er­ally favored high-spectacle and sym­bolic attacks, whereas ISIS has been more prac­ti­cal, urg­ing adher­ents to com­mit any attack they think they can pull off.

Most of the Islamic-related shoot­ings were mass shoot­ings, which may be the final piece of the puz­zle. Though most extrem­ist killings con­tinue to take one vic­tim at a time, the num­ber of mul­ti­ple vic­tims in deadly extremist-related inci­dents (both ide­o­log­i­cal and non-ideological) has cer­tainly grown. Since 2001, there have been 24 domes­tic extrem­ist inci­dents in which at least three peo­ple were killed—and firearms were the weapons used in the vast major­ity of these cases, includ­ing such deadly shoot­ing sprees as the 2012 Wis­con­sin Sikh tem­ple shoot­ing and the 2015 Charleston church shooting.

The increased num­ber of mul­ti­ple vic­tim inci­dents by extrem­ists is also one of the rea­sons why the death toll has been ris­ing. From extrem­ists on the right such as white suprema­cists and anti-government extrem­ists to reli­gious extrem­ists such as domes­tic Islamic extrem­ists, gun vio­lence seems more likely to increase than decrease in the com­ing months and years

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September 1, 2015 0

Deadly Violence, Plots Mark Right-Wing Extremist Courtroom Dramas

Judges and juries in Kansas, Cal­i­for­nia and Geor­gia have ruled in a trio of impor­tant crim­i­nal cases involv­ing white suprema­cists, anti-government sov­er­eign cit­i­zens, and mili­tia groups who engaged in vio­lence or conspiracies.

Brent Douglas Cole

Brent Dou­glas Cole

On Mon­day, August 31, a jury in Olathe, Kansas, con­victed long-time white suprema­cist Fra­zier Glenn Miller (also known as Fra­zier Glenn Cross) on cap­i­tal mur­der, attempted mur­der, assault and weapons charges for his 2014 shoot­ing attack that killed three at Jew­ish insti­tu­tions in the Kansas City sub­urb of Over­land Park.

Miller, who defended him­self, attempted to argue dur­ing his trial that he was jus­ti­fied in killing Jews, because they were com­mit­ting “geno­cide” against white peo­ple. After the jury read its ver­dict, Miller shouted “Sieg Heil,” while giv­ing a Nazi salute.

In fed­eral court in Sacra­mento, Cal­i­for­nia, mean­while, another extrem­ist learned of his fate. Brent Dou­glas Cole, an adher­ent of the sov­er­eign cit­i­zen move­ment, received a 29-year, seven-month sen­tence for his role in a shootout in 2014. Sov­er­eign cit­i­zens believe that the gov­ern­ment is ille­git­i­mate, because a con­spir­acy long ago sub­verted the orig­i­nal gov­ern­ment and replaced it with a tyran­ni­cal one, and that it has no author­ity over them.

In June 214, a Bureau of Land Man­age­ment ranger dis­cov­ered Cole had set up a camp­site on pub­lic land and had a motor­cy­cle at the camp­site that had been reported stolen. When the ranger and a Cal­i­for­nia High­way Patrol offi­cer attempted to impound that motor­cy­cle, as well as one with expired tags, Cole con­fronted the offi­cers. When one attempted to place hand­cuffs on Cole, the sov­er­eign cit­i­zen opened fire on the offi­cers, injur­ing both of them, before sub­se­quently giv­ing him­self up. He was con­victed in Feb­ru­ary 2015 of assault on a fed­eral offi­cer which inflicted bod­ily injury and other charges.

Finally, a fed­eral judge in Atlanta, Geor­gia, sen­tenced three mem­bers of a mili­tia group to prison after they pleaded guilty to con­spir­acy to use weapons of mass destruc­tion. Brian Can­non, Terry Peace and Cory Williamson were mem­bers of a north Geor­gia mili­tia cell that plot­ted ter­ror­ist attacks against the Fed­eral Emer­gency Man­age­ment Agency and other gov­ern­ment tar­gets, hop­ing that the gov­ern­ment would over-react and, in turn, cause mili­tia groups around the coun­try to rise up in arms.

After an asso­ciate of the three men alerted the FBI to the plot­ters’ inten­tions, the FBI set up a sting oper­a­tion. After Peace told the infor­mant that he needed ther­mite charges and pipe bombs, the infor­mant offered to get the explo­sives for him. In Feb­ru­ary 2014, FBI agents arrested the trio of mili­ti­a­men as the received the (inert) explo­sive devices from the infor­mant. Their would-be rev­o­lu­tion was thwarted.

In many respects, these three inci­dents col­lec­tively high­light the major dan­gers com­ing from the extreme right in the 21st Cen­tury. Miller engaged in a deadly attack directed against Jews, a per­ceived “racial enemy.” The shoot­ing spree pre­saged the even more deadly attack against African-Americans by Dylann Storm Roof in June 2015. Cole engaged in unplanned, spon­ta­neous vio­lence against law enforce­ment officers—one of the major threats posed by the sov­er­eign cit­i­zen move­ment. And the mili­ti­a­men in North Geor­gia engaged in a con­spir­acy to attack gov­ern­ment tar­gets; just the lat­est in a long series of such plots and con­spir­a­cies stem­ming from the mili­tia movement.

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August 26, 2015 1

Judge Thwarts Anti-Semitic Killer’s Attempt At Show Trial

As open­ing state­ments and tes­ti­mony began this week in Olathe, Kansas, in the mur­der trial of white suprema­cist Fra­zier Glenn Miller (also known as Fra­zier Glenn Cross), the defense strat­egy of the for­mer Klansman—who is rep­re­sent­ing himself—became clear.

Frazier Glenn Miller mugshot

Fra­zier Glenn Miller mugshot

Miller, who has admit­ted com­mit­ting a shoot­ing spree at two Jew­ish insti­tu­tions in Over­land Park, Kansas, in April 2014 that killed three peo­ple, includ­ing one child, indi­cated his inten­tions with his open­ing state­ments on August 24. Miller asserted to the jury that the mur­ders were jus­ti­fied, describ­ing his actions that day as “well-intentioned” and claim­ing that he had “good, moral rea­sons” for the slayings.

These state­ments echoed ear­lier remarks by Miller before the trial that he would attempt a “neces­sity” defense, claim­ing that the shoot­ings were needed to halt the “Jew­ish geno­cide of the white race.” Though Miller had admit­ted that his inten­tions were to shoot Jews, none of the vic­tims he killed at the Jew­ish insti­tu­tions turned out to be Jewish.

Miller told the jury that white peo­ple “have a right to sur­vive” and the right to pre­serve our heritage…and a safe future for white chil­dren.” This was a ref­er­ence to the “14 Words,” a pop­u­lar white suprema­cist slo­gan: “We must secure the exis­tence of our peo­ple and a future for white chil­dren.” It refers to the wide­spread white suprema­cist belief that the white race is threat­ened with extinc­tion because of a ris­ing tide of non-white peo­ples who are con­trolled and manip­u­lated by Jews.

How­ever, Miller did not get far in his effort at an anti-Semitic show trial before Judge Kelly Ryan stopped him. Judge Ryan had ear­lier ruled that Miller could not intro­duce his anti-Semitic con­spir­acy the­o­ries into the guilt phase of the trial, which was to deter­mine whether a crime had been com­mit­ted, not why. The judge said that Miller could make such argu­ments dur­ing the penalty phase of the trial, if he were convicted.

As wit­nesses began to tes­tify, Miller found other ways to intro­duce his anti-Semitic views, such as bring­ing cer­tain books to court with him. At one point he had a copy of his own, self-printed auto­bi­og­ra­phy, A White Man Speaks Out, dis­played on the defense table. Another time dur­ing the trial he held up a book for peo­ple to see: They Dare to Speak Out: Peo­ple and Insti­tu­tions Con­front Israel’s Lobby, an anti-Israel book writ­ten by Paul Find­ley, a long-time anti-Israel activist, in 1985.

Miller was a promi­nent white suprema­cist in the 1970s and 1980s, at one point head­ing a large Ku Klux Klan group, but the white suprema­cist move­ment ostra­cized him for pro­vid­ing tes­ti­mony in a crim­i­nal case against other white suprema­cists. Miller has spent most of the past 15 years try­ing to get back in the graces of the move­ment, with lit­tle suc­cess. His shoot­ing spree was appar­ently a final attempt.

Miller’s Over­land Park attack was only one of a num­ber of deadly shoot­ing sprees by white suprema­cists in recent years. These and other mur­ders have made white suprema­cists the most deadly extrem­ist move­ment in the coun­try, as detailed in ADL’s recent report, With Hate in their Hearts: The State of White Supremacy in the United States.

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