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August 31, 2015 2

Virginia Shootings Spur White Supremacist Vitriol

Within hours of the deadly August 26 on-air shoot­ing of tele­vi­sion reporter Ali­son Parker and cam­era­man Adam Ward in Roanoke, Vir­ginia, the on-line white suprema­cist world erupted in hate­ful rhetoric and dis­cus­sions of violence.vamurderscomment

The shooter, Vester Flana­gan (also known as Bryce Williams), was some­one whom white suprema­cists could eas­ily exploit to gen­er­ate anger. His vic­tims were white; Flana­gan was a black, gay man with a his­tory of fil­ing dis­crim­i­na­tion com­plaints against for­mer employ­ers, includ­ing the tele­vi­sion sta­tion where the slain jour­nal­ists worked.

Flana­gan killed him­self as police caught up to him, but not before he faxed to ABC News a lengthy sui­cide note/manifesto, detail­ing a litany of griev­ances and per­ceived mis­treat­ment because of his race and sex­ual ori­en­ta­tion. More­over, in his note he directly ref­er­enced the June 2015 Charleston shoot­ings, in which white suprema­cist Dylann Storm Roof killed nine African-American church­go­ers. Flana­gan tried to explain his murders—seemingly com­mit­ted for per­sonal reasons—as a retal­i­a­tion for Roof’s own killings. Refer­ring to Roof’s hope that a race war would result from his shoot­ings, Flana­gan wrote “You want a race war…THEN BRING IT.”

Reac­tions from the racist right were swift and involved well-worn anti-black and anti-Semitic tropes. Among them: that black peo­ple shouldn’t be allowed to own guns, because they have “no impulse con­trol,” and that the vic­tims, as mem­bers of the “Jew­ish media,” deserved to die. And above all, an echo of Roof’s call for race war: The hope that the shoot­ings would spark a “rev­o­lu­tion” of whites ris­ing up against their osten­si­ble oppres­sors (blacks and Jews) and strik­ing back.

The New Order, a small Wisconsin-based neo-Nazi group, pre­sented a typ­i­cal anti-black response, issu­ing a state­ment head­lined “White Lives Mat­ter” that described the shoot­ings as a crime com­mit­ted by “a deranged anti-White Negro” and claimed that “The mur­der, rape and assault of White peo­ple by racist Black crim­i­nals is a daily event in the United States.”

Anti-Semitism shaped the responses of many white suprema­cists. On Storm­front, the large white suprema­cist dis­cus­sion forum, poster Red­Baron claimed that reporter Parker “was part of the Jew con­trolled media. The pro­pa­ganda she helped to put on the air came back to haunt her (to death).” The “Jew­ish plot” trope was repeated by another Storm­fron­ter: “I don’t think the Jew power struc­ture wants a fully awake white pub­lic right now. They’ve been doing every­thing to drug us into a stu­por as they incite blacks to mur­der us.”

At the neo-Nazi web­site Daily Stormer, poster GuiMas­ter also had lit­tle sym­pa­thy for Parker: “But how do we know that this woman was ‘noble?’ She was work­ing for the anti-White media. How aware was she that her job involves spread­ing com­mu­nist anti-White hate pro­pa­ganda?” On Face­book, another white suprema­cist labeled Parker’s father, who had appeared on Fox News to plead for more gun con­trol mea­sures, a “Zio-Marxist” push­ing a “Jew­ish” agenda.

For many white suprema­cists, though, it was Flanagan’s ref­er­ence to “race war” that most exer­cised them. For them, the sole bright spot in the killings was that they might speed the start of an antic­i­pated racial con­flict. At the Daily Stormer, for exam­ple, one com­menter wrote: “When the ‘race war’ comes, it’s gonna be us killing them in short order.”

On Storm­front, long­time Arkansas white suprema­cist Billy Roper hoped the killings would “awaken more of our peo­ple to see it as the reprisal act it was in a war which is just begin­ning, in fits and starts, as they so often do.” Mean­while, on the Face­book page of “Amer­i­can White His­tory Month,” Jon Winslow wrote: “White peo­ple! Start riot­ing now!”

Oth­ers seemed inter­ested in actions more seri­ous that riot­ing. Storm­front poster 14words_of_truth wrote: “Peo­ple keep ask­ing me ‘when is the race war going to start?’ It started a long time ago; it is not going to start, it is going to change. The change will be that the White Man will start fight­ing back.”

To which Storm­front edi­tor Jack­Boot replied, “Well said. So far we can’t esca­late from the war of words on our side, and that esca­la­tion is long past due. They’ve been spilling our blood for years, and I’m not talk­ing only about the Jews’ prox­ies. We got a lotta catch-up to play.”

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August 26, 2015 1

Judge Thwarts Anti-Semitic Killer’s Attempt At Show Trial

As open­ing state­ments and tes­ti­mony began this week in Olathe, Kansas, in the mur­der trial of white suprema­cist Fra­zier Glenn Miller (also known as Fra­zier Glenn Cross), the defense strat­egy of the for­mer Klansman—who is rep­re­sent­ing himself—became clear.

Frazier Glenn Miller mugshot

Fra­zier Glenn Miller mugshot

Miller, who has admit­ted com­mit­ting a shoot­ing spree at two Jew­ish insti­tu­tions in Over­land Park, Kansas, in April 2014 that killed three peo­ple, includ­ing one child, indi­cated his inten­tions with his open­ing state­ments on August 24. Miller asserted to the jury that the mur­ders were jus­ti­fied, describ­ing his actions that day as “well-intentioned” and claim­ing that he had “good, moral rea­sons” for the slayings.

These state­ments echoed ear­lier remarks by Miller before the trial that he would attempt a “neces­sity” defense, claim­ing that the shoot­ings were needed to halt the “Jew­ish geno­cide of the white race.” Though Miller had admit­ted that his inten­tions were to shoot Jews, none of the vic­tims he killed at the Jew­ish insti­tu­tions turned out to be Jewish.

Miller told the jury that white peo­ple “have a right to sur­vive” and the right to pre­serve our heritage…and a safe future for white chil­dren.” This was a ref­er­ence to the “14 Words,” a pop­u­lar white suprema­cist slo­gan: “We must secure the exis­tence of our peo­ple and a future for white chil­dren.” It refers to the wide­spread white suprema­cist belief that the white race is threat­ened with extinc­tion because of a ris­ing tide of non-white peo­ples who are con­trolled and manip­u­lated by Jews.

How­ever, Miller did not get far in his effort at an anti-Semitic show trial before Judge Kelly Ryan stopped him. Judge Ryan had ear­lier ruled that Miller could not intro­duce his anti-Semitic con­spir­acy the­o­ries into the guilt phase of the trial, which was to deter­mine whether a crime had been com­mit­ted, not why. The judge said that Miller could make such argu­ments dur­ing the penalty phase of the trial, if he were convicted.

As wit­nesses began to tes­tify, Miller found other ways to intro­duce his anti-Semitic views, such as bring­ing cer­tain books to court with him. At one point he had a copy of his own, self-printed auto­bi­og­ra­phy, A White Man Speaks Out, dis­played on the defense table. Another time dur­ing the trial he held up a book for peo­ple to see: They Dare to Speak Out: Peo­ple and Insti­tu­tions Con­front Israel’s Lobby, an anti-Israel book writ­ten by Paul Find­ley, a long-time anti-Israel activist, in 1985.

Miller was a promi­nent white suprema­cist in the 1970s and 1980s, at one point head­ing a large Ku Klux Klan group, but the white suprema­cist move­ment ostra­cized him for pro­vid­ing tes­ti­mony in a crim­i­nal case against other white suprema­cists. Miller has spent most of the past 15 years try­ing to get back in the graces of the move­ment, with lit­tle suc­cess. His shoot­ing spree was appar­ently a final attempt.

Miller’s Over­land Park attack was only one of a num­ber of deadly shoot­ing sprees by white suprema­cists in recent years. These and other mur­ders have made white suprema­cists the most deadly extrem­ist move­ment in the coun­try, as detailed in ADL’s recent report, With Hate in their Hearts: The State of White Supremacy in the United States.

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August 12, 2015 0

From Charleston to Chattanooga: The Face of Terror in America

By Oren Segal and Mark Pit­cav­age
Direc­tors of the Anti-Defamation League’s Cen­ter on Extremism

Ter­ror­ism is some­times referred to as the “face­less enemy,” but it has hardly been face­less in the United States this sum­mer.  Too many peo­ple have emerged from the shad­ows to inflict death and suffering.

The parade of vio­lence has seemed unend­ing, from Elton Simp­son and Nadir Soofi, who attacked police offi­cers pro­vid­ing secu­rity for the so-called “Muham­mad Art Exhibit” in Texas in May, to John Houser, the Hitler-admiring man obsessed with the moral decay of Amer­ica who recently opened fire at a Louisiana movie the­ater show­ing the movie Train­wreck.

Of the var­i­ous killers and would-be killers this sum­mer, two stand out.  The first is Dylann Storm Roof, the white suprema­cist who allegedly con­fessed to the June mas­sacre at the Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Car­olina, that left nine African-Americans dead.dylann-storm-roof-gun-confederate-flag-600

The sec­ond is Muham­mad Youssef Abdu­lazeez, who in July engaged in a shoot­ing spree tar­get­ing a Chat­tanooga mil­i­tary recruit­ing cen­ter and a nearby naval reserve cen­ter.  Abdu­lazeez, who may have been inspired by rad­i­cal Mus­lim cleric Anwar al-Awlaki, killed five people—all mil­i­tary personnel—before being killed by police.

In many ways, Roof and Abdu­lazeez per­son­ify America’s ter­ror­ist threat; they are the faces of the “face­less enemy.”  Most obvi­ously, each rep­re­sents a major source of ter­ror­ism.  Roof was a white suprema­cist who allegedly hoped to start a “race war” in which whites would pre­vail.  White suprema­cists have for decades been the most pro­lific source of domes­tic extremist-related lethal vio­lence.  Along with the other main seg­ment of the extreme right, anti-government mili­tia groups and sov­er­eign cit­i­zens, they are respon­si­ble for the great major­ity of extremist-related deaths in the U.S.

Abdu­lazeez, on whom there is less infor­ma­tion regard­ing moti­va­tion, may well have latched onto the ideas of al-Awlaki—including his encour­age­ment of attacks on mil­i­tary targets—as a way to atone for some of his per­sonal demons, includ­ing drugs and alco­hol.  Domes­tic Islamic extrem­ists have in recent years attempted or con­ducted a large num­ber of ter­ror­ist plots, con­spir­a­cies and acts, despite being fewer in num­ber than right-wing extremists.

Both men also chose tar­gets typ­i­cal of their move­ments.  For Abdu­lazeez, it was the mil­i­tary; here he fol­lowed in the foot­steps of Abdul­hakim Mujahid Muham­mad, who killed a sol­dier at a recruit­ing cen­ter in Lit­tle Rock, Arkansas, in 2009, and Nidal Malik Has­san, who killed 13 peo­ple at Fort Hood, Texas, that same year.  Other Islamic extrem­ists have also recently plot­ted attacks against mil­i­tary tar­gets in the U.S., though with­out success.mohammad-youssef-abdulazeez

Roof went on a shoot­ing ram­page against African-Americans.  Sprees of vio­lence against racial, eth­nic, or reli­gious minori­ties are a com­mon type of white suprema­cist ter­ror­ism.  In recent years, there have been a num­ber of such episodes, includ­ing Fra­zier Glenn Miller’s attacks on Jew­ish insti­tu­tions in Over­land Park, Kansas, in 2014; Wade Michael Page’s ram­page at a Sikh tem­ple in Oak Creek, Wis­con­sin, in 2012, and Keith Luke’s attacks on African immi­grants in Brock­ton, Mass­a­chu­setts, in 2009.

Both Roof and Abdu­lazeez used firearms for their attacks, which is also typ­i­cal of Amer­i­can ter­ror­ism.  Although the pub­lic usu­ally thinks of ter­ror­ism in terms of bombs, ter­ror­ists like Ted Kaczyn­ski and the Boston Marathon bombers are rare in Amer­ica.  The vast major­ity of extremist-related mur­ders involve guns—easy to acquire, sim­ple to use, and deadly.  This is why Charleston and Chat­tanooga num­ber among the 10 dead­liest extremist-related attacks of the past 50 years.  Indeed, with the excep­tion of the Okla­homa City bomb­ing, the “top 10” attacks all involved firearms.

Abdu­lazeez and Roof were both young men, dis­af­fected, fac­ing per­sonal stresses of dif­fer­ent kinds (Abdu­lazeez also suf­fered from men­tal ill­ness).  Although ter­ror­ism knows no age limits—Nidal Hasan was 39 at the time of his Fort Hood ram­page, while white suprema­cist James Von Brunn, who attacked the U.S. Holo­caust Memo­r­ial Museum in 2009, was in his late 80s—many of the attacks and plots in recent years by both Islamic and right-wing extrem­ists have been com­mit­ted by men in their mid-20s or younger.

Like Abdu­lazeez and Roof, a num­ber of these extrem­ists com­mit­ted their attacks as lone wolves, unat­tached to any par­tic­u­lar group.  Over­all, the num­ber of lethal lone wolf attacks in the past two decades has been fairly low, num­ber­ing only a few dozen, but in recent years, lone wolves seem to have been emerg­ing at a faster rate.  One rea­son may be the increas­ing role played by the Inter­net in facil­i­tat­ing self-radicalization.  It was through the Inter­net that Roof edu­cated him­self in white supremacy; it was via the Inter­net that Abdu­lazeez down­loaded record­ings of al-Awlaki.

Here one can see a sig­nif­i­cant dif­fer­ence between right-wing extrem­ists and domes­tic Islamic rad­i­cals.  While they can both eas­ily immerse them­selves in a sea of on-line pro­pa­ganda designed to instill and rein­force extreme views, right-wing extrem­ist Inter­net sources are pri­mar­ily based in the United States and, there­fore, must watch what they say.  White suprema­cists who openly use the Inter­net to encour­age vio­lence and ter­ror­ism open them­selves up to crim­i­nal inves­ti­ga­tion and, if vio­lence occurs, pos­si­ble civil lia­bil­ity; as a result, their encour­age­ment of vio­lence is often more implicit than explicit.

Domes­tic Islamic extrem­ists, in con­trast, receive most of their rad­i­cal­iz­ing mes­sages from abroad, from ter­ror­ist groups and like-minded sup­port­ers who are freer to use the Inter­net to call for vio­lence and ter­ror­ism within the U.S.  Pro­pa­ganda from Al Qaeda in the Ara­bian Penin­sula, for exam­ple, was an inspi­ra­tion for the Boston Marathon bomb­ing.  In the past two years, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has taken such tac­tics to a new level alto­gether, employ­ing a vir­tual army of on-line recruiters who use social media plat­forms to reach and rad­i­cal­ize sus­cep­ti­ble indi­vid­u­als across the globe.  Seek­ing to instill a deep sense of com­mu­nity and pur­pose, ISIS sup­port­ers encour­age Amer­i­cans to come to the Mid­dle East to help it fight its wars—many of the 80+ U.S. res­i­dents linked to Islamic extrem­ist activ­ity since 2014 have made such attempts. But ISIS also urges peo­ple to launch attacks in the U.S.

Roof and Abdu­lazeez were both cold-blooded killers.  Their attacks deeply affected the cit­i­zens of Charleston and Chat­tanooga and, indeed, the whole coun­try, though not always in the same ways.  In par­tic­u­lar, the Chat­tanooga shoot­ings, like some sim­i­lar attacks before them, stirred anti-Muslim sen­ti­ments directed at America’s entire Mus­lim com­mu­nity, a dis­turb­ing phe­nom­e­non for which there is no par­al­lel with regard to white suprema­cist attacks.

But their attacks were sim­i­lar in that they were both essen­tially futile, able to achieve lit­tle but death and mis­ery.  Indeed, the reac­tions to the attacks illus­trate just how inef­fec­tive they actu­ally were.  The Chat­tanooga attack, for exam­ple, inspired an out­pour­ing of sup­port for the U.S. mil­i­tary. The Charleston response was even more pow­er­ful.  Far from start­ing a “race war,” Roof’s slaugh­ter not only brought Charlesto­ni­ans of all races together but also resulted in a bipar­ti­san effort to remove the Con­fed­er­ate flag from the South Car­olina capitol.

Amer­i­can extrem­ists, of what­ever stripe, can hurt and even kill, but the one thing they can’t do is win.

Mr. Segal is an author­ity on Islamic extrem­ism and ter­ror­ism in the United States; Dr. Pit­cav­age is an expert on right-wing extrem­ism and ter­ror­ism in the United States.

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